We use cookies to offer you a better experience, personalize content, tailor advertising, provide social media features, and better understand the use of our services. Do you want to read the rest of this article?
We use cookies to make interactions with our website easy and meaningful, to better understand the use of our services, and to tailor advertising. For further information, including about cookie settings, please read our Cookie Policy. By continuing to use this site, you consent to the use of cookies. We value your privacy. Download citation. Request full-text. A 'read' is counted each time someone views a publication summary such as the title, abstract, and list of authors , clicks on a figure, or views or downloads the full-text.
Learn more. DOI: Amalia L. This article also contributes to this growing body of literature on tourism and sex work in the Caribbean. For one all of the studies thus far have focused primarily on relationships that are spatially discernible and public. These encounters attract attention because they are highly public and involve participants from different racial-ethnic and class backgrounds.
Generally most studies have examined relations between otherwise un-employed "freelance workers" or beach boys in tourist centers. They overlook on-the-job tourism workers as participants in the sex trade. Yet these workers are accessible and in constant and intimate contact with tourists. By analyzing relations between hotel workers and guests I argue in this study that the prevalent social-labor realities underscore the need for a more complex analytical framework to account for the fluid arrangements taking place between "hosts and guests.
Although the literature has begun to challenge studies that narrowly define sex tourism as solely involving monetary exchange the category of sex worker has remained unexamined and immutable within sex tourism research. If we account for spatial factors and assumptions based on race sexuality and class the "sex worker" category loses its stable meaning. In this study I propose a more complicated approach that accounts for the provisional practices and identities that constitute sexual markets and that envelop understandings of labor and sex as more a matter of continua than a hard and fast definition.
